Following a 22-hour journey by bus, taxi, boat and foot we arrived at the gold mining community of Mina Caribe in the Serrania de San Lucas part of Sur de Bolivar. As the track leading from the regional centre Santa Rosa, had been made accessible to vehicles for another few kilometres, including a crucial uphill bit, we only had to walk for and an hour and a half, half the time it took on my companion's previous trip to the area one and a half months ago.
The army encampment we passed on the hill above the village gave a further clue to the militarized nature of the area - there had been two checks along the river, one for documents the other just luggage. That these soldiers weren't in the hills for the views was confirmed by reports by locals that the day before a local gold buyer had been arrested and taken off by helicopter for carrying a pistol without a license - I later learnt he was released a day later. Apparently army helicopters are used for such essential matters but if a local is seriously ill they have to be carried off on a stretcher to the road.
We were greeted with the drink of choice, at least among the men, beer, and after the pleasantries talk quickly turned to the more serious matter of the death threats issued last week against the local federation of farmers and miners (Fedeagromisbol), and the Colombian NGO I was accompaning, amongst other groups and priests in the region. After the trip I discovered that these death threats had been narrowed to specify leading members of these groups.
The following day a gathering was held in the village with representatives from most of the mining communities in the area, including some who had walked/ridden for hours to be there, and the turn-out seemed impressive with around 100 packed into the hall and some outside. Disappointingly but predictably, there were only a few women. The meeting was dominated by the pressing matter of the death threats, although time was found for many other issues. It was a chance for locals to find out about their representives' meeting with government officials in the regional centre of Bucaramanga a few weeks ago. The mining ministry had made committments to ensure the return of displaced people and the miners' continued existence in the region and the Federation had proposed a 'Zona Reserva Especial Minera' for the region. A follow-up meeting in Cartegena for the previous week had to be cancelled due to the death threats, and the government had only decided to send along minor officials anyway.
People complained that they paid taxes on the gold they exported from the region but saw little
in the way of social investment in the region, the army being the main official presence, as I was to discover for myself. The general lack of security was commented on with 32 murders occuring between December 2007-April 2008 in the local municipality. There was spirited talk with someone saying that their communities have been threatened for years but they have continued the struggle to exist in the mountains and someone else saying that although more people would probably die it was worth continuing this struggle.
There was much discussion of the rapid progress of the vehicle access track into the mountains, funded by the communities. In another month or so the road would reach the first mining community. All the communities contribut different amounts to the road and further fundraising ideas like raffles were raised. By the time the last agenda item, the environment, most had left, due no doubt to the long trek many had to make to their communities. However, some had clearly come to address this agenda item and spoke passionately about the damage caused by the practice of dumping sand containing the waste products of gold-mining like cyanide and mercury, in the streams surrounding the community, killing the fish - the water comes from much higher up the mountain so isn't an immediate concern. Structures have been built for the storage of waste until it can be treated but these aren't used by many. It was suggested that this could only be addressed by imposing fines on those guilty and someone pointed out practically that although this was a serious problem the lack of people still in the meeting meant nothing could really be done until there was enough local will-power. Someone told me that people from an environmental agency had visited and there were plans to clean up this environmental damage. All in all it was considered to be a successful gathering with much participation and a date was set for the next one. For me it alone was worth well worth the 22 hour trip.
The high levels of violence the area suffered at the hands of the paramilitaries has been well documented. They held had the area under siege and in 2001 this was broken temporarily by a 'Caravana Por la Paz' with an international presence. It seems this siege is still partly in place as the most direct route to the nearest city of Barrancabemeja is said to be controlled by paramilitaries, which means a two day trip if you don't want to travel at night. When members of the Federation have to travel there for meetings with officials or to sign papers it takes the best part of a week. Many in the communities rarely visit even neighbouring villages, let alone leave the hills. Everything is brought in on mules with electricity provided by a few generators around the village. For heavy loads helicopters have to be chartered but due to the cost they are used only rarely for essentials like mining equipment.
In the evenings community life, for the males, focuses around the village pool halls where they play a different version of pool with the balls lined up along the side and potted in sequence - it is however allowed to pot a ball out of sequence if the one in sequence is hit first. Points are also deducted for penalties based on the value of the ball to incur the penalty which can be costly if you foul on a 15. Like in the west a drinking culture goes with the game.
Staggering up to the village square one afternoon, not from access of alcohol rather a lack of oxygen due to the steep ascent, I was surprised by a few soldiers loitering around the edge of the square watching the little there was of life going by, mostly children and animals, and munching recent purchases. I was told they had been camped above the village for the last few days and came into the village to buy stuff. However they hung around a good few hours and the following day I saw one further away from the square hanging around outside someone's house. No-one seemed to be bothered as if these were regular visits. They are from the nearby military base and are a new battalion who haven't engaged so far with the villagers. The previous battalion would search people's houses and turn up with masked informers who supposedly knew who the guerilla were. They would also force their way into village council meetings. The locals are understandably apprehensive about what this bunch would be like.
Wednesday 23 April 2008
Monday 14 April 2008
more death threats against human rights NGOs, social movements and priests in Colombian region
Here is a press release from the Red de Hermandad y Solidaridad - Colombia (Network of Friendship and Solidarity with Colombia) issued on April 11th regarding threats from paramilitaries active in the Sur de Bolivar region against Fedeagromisbol (a local federation of farmers and miners), the NGO Sembrar, El Programa de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio (the program for peace and development in Magdalena Medio) and priests. As its name suggests this region lies in the south of Bolivar state around 500km north of Bogota.
1. Today, April 10th 2008, a threat signed by the self-styled paramilitary structure “Águilas Negras, Bloque Norte de Colombia” (Black Eagles, northern block of Colombia), was sent to various e-mail accounts declaring members of Fedeagromisbol, Sembrar, Programa de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio and the priests of Regidor and Tiquisio to be military targets, in which it was added that 'your name (sic) has been added to the list of undesirables who should be eliminated, by the national government', indicating them to be supporters or members of guerilla groups.
2. In this threat it was stated that 'you and the organisations you represent are a problem for Colombia', passing sentence that 'for every criminal act against democratic security (sic) that you organise inside these villages, you will be exterminated one by one, in list order.
3. The threat made clear that those mentioned had been followed in the municipalities of Tiquisio, Arenal, Morales, Aguachica, La Gloria and Regidor, stating that 'expect that wherever you organise stupid meetings you queers will be screwed over.'
4. The threat concluded that 'we are constantly watching you sons of bitches as the time has come to put an end to your perverse activities in these villages. The plan to annihilate you could begin at any moment. We won't hesitate to assassinate you, so get your friends ready to bury you.'
5. On April 1st 2008, at a meeting in the town of Barrancabermeja attended by the Vice-President and Public Prosecutor, the Director of the Presidential Human Rights Commission, Dr Carlos Franco, referred to events in Puerto Rico and Tiquisio, saying that Fedeagromisbol caused a scandal at every opportunity.
6. At a Mesa de Interlocución del Sur de Bolívar (Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar) meeting on April 2nd 2008, delegates from the mining ministry, the institute of geology and mines, and the Bolivar state government agreed that:
'given the grave human rights situation in the Sur de Bolivar, the mining ministry and the Bolivar state government are committed to working towards a high-level meeting as soon as possible, with the participation of the Vice-President, the Attorney General and Public Prosecutor, to deal with the issues and adopt measures to solve the existing crisis'.
Although the above authorities are aware of the gravity of the situation, until now we are not aware of any measures having been taken to overcome the crisis nor of any meeting having been arranged. There is concern about the continuity of the Committee for Dialogue regarding mining issues, when the state persists in refusing to take serious and adequate measures to guarantee human rights in the region.
7. These threats have been directed against the human rights NGO Sembrar, which in recent years has accompanied residents and organisations in Sur de Bolivar in monitoring and denouncing abuses and giving human rights training.
El Programa Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio (the programme for development and peace in Magdalena Medio) is an organisation which with the support of the EU, international governmental and non-governmental entities, the national, state and local governments, has taken part in the Laboratorios de Paz (Peace Laboratories), accompanying and supporting organisations and communities in Sur de Bolivar in developing peace initiatives, programmes of economic, social, cultural and institutional development, and ensuring the human rights of the region's inhabitants.
The Farmers and Mining Federation of Southern Bolívar, Fedeagromisbol, which comprises farming and mining groups in the region, has been generating wealth for the region for decades by promoting farming and mining projects. The Federation is part of the Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar, which has been involved in dialogue with the Colombian government since 2005 working towards the respect of human rights and development under conditions of equity, dignity and sustainability.
These threats have also been made against the priests of Tiquisio and Regidor who have been committed to accompanying communities and organisations in Sur de Bolívar.
Thanks to the work of these entities, communities have started a process of reclaiming meeting spaces to discuss the productive, sustainable use of the land and how to continue living in the region with dignity. The forced displacement of many families has thus been prevented.
Background
a. On March 31st 2008 various organisations, including Fedeagromisbol and Sembrar, publicly denounced that during the Sixth Assembly of the Agromining Federation of Sur de Bolívar between March 27-30 in the municipality of Tiquisio, members of the national police force and the Nariño Battalion of the Second Army Brigade repeatedly tried to enter the building where the assembly was taking place to identify the Federation's directors.
The presence of an informer, protected by the police, was confirmed, who days previously had threatened a Fedeagromisbol member. In addition the police persisently made inquiries about the Federation President, Teofilo Acuña. This aggresive and intimidating behaviour was carried out by a sublieutenant of the national police force Miller Rojas Rubio and first sergeant Rojas of the Nariño Batallion of the Second Army Brigade.
b. The presence of the self-styled 'Black Eagles' paramilitaries in the municipalities of Santa Rosa, San Pablo, Simití, Arenal, Morales and Tiquisio, amongst others, has been repeatedly denounced. They act in an open and public manner without the police in any way taking any action to restrict their activities.
c. On July 2 2007 Amnesty International published their report 'Colombia:the reality of trade-unionism. Dates and figures', in which were expressed their concerns about the situation of the Agromining Federation of Sur de Bolívar, highlighting the extrajudicial execution of the mining leader and Fedeagromisbol member Alejandro Uribe Chacón.
d. On April 26th 2007, while attending a Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar in the municipality of Santa Rosa, with delegates from various national ministries, Teofilo Acuña was arrested.
On January 5 2008 the daily 'El Espectador' announced that : 'An intelligence report shows Acuña to be a guerilla of the ELN with the alias of ‘Téofilo’, going on to say, 'in the village of Buena Seña he declared to the community that they couldn't allow the entrance of mining multinational Kedahda' (part of AngloGold Ashanti).
e. On March 5 2007 at 7am members of the Nueva Granada battalion arrived in the community of Mina Piojo, part of Santa Rosa municipality, and arrested 12 people including Omar Nunez, member of the Mina Mochila Junta de Acción Comunal (village council) and Agromining leader, Guillermo Mercado, member of the Mina Fácil Junta de Acción Comunal and Juan Toloza, resident of Mina Piojo village.
The 12 people were held in different places and then brought to one place. During the journey soldiers asked persistently about the Mina Piojo Junta de Acción Comunal president. Additionally members of the Nueva Granada battalion attacked the detained residents and defamed the region's social organisations, saying 'both the village councils and the mining organisations are part of the guerrilla forces'.
f. On March 19th 2007 , the Nueva Granada battalion turned up in Paraiso in the municipality of Montecristo, having captured Alfredo Atehortua, Wilson and Adeidi, local residents known to be civilians. The previous day, the army had been told - falsely - that these men were guerilla deserters.
This unit invaded the Porvenir ranch, belonging to Efrain Ramos and Yadis Salazar threatening to take away Efrain and his cattle, claiming he was part of the guerilla. Efrain showed the army documents proving his ownership of the cattle. One of the soldiers threatened: 'we're here today but tomorrow the aguilas negras are coming'.
g. September 19th 2006 in the municipality of Santa Rosa the community and mining leader Alejandro Uribe Chacon, also a member of Fedeagromisbol, was extrajudicially executed by soldiers of the Nueva Granada battalion. His body was presented in public as that of a guerilla killed in combat.
'El Espectador' had stated shortly beforehand that 'Alejandro Uribe is effectively an active member of that organisation' going on to add 'in March 2006 Alejandro Uribe (alias ‘Andrés’) addressed a meeting of the need to prevent the entry of multinational AngloGold Ashanti's Colombian subsidiary Kedahda''.
Alejandro Uribe's death caused a massive mobilisation in Sur de Bolivar, which led to the government promising to ensure respect for human rights in the region. Until now the government hasn't complied with the agreements made.
Demands
Giving the gravity of the threats, we demand the following of the Colombian authorities:
1. That the events denounced above be thoroughly investigated, leading to the culprits being brought to justice.
2. That the records of the Security Forces of the region be immediately revised and altered as they present a threat to residents of the region in their current form.
3. Guarantees of the right to life, liberty, personal integrity and freedom of association of members of the Agromining Federation of Sur de Bolívar - Fedeagromisbol, Sembrar, el Programa de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio and members of the dioceses of Magangue and Barrancabermeja, especially those directly threatened.
4. That a meeting be called at the first instance as was agreed by delegates of the Mining Ministry, the Institute of Geology and Mines, and the Bolivar state government in Barrancabermeja on April 2 2008.
Signed by:
Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar, Corporación Sembrar, Organización Femenina Popular, Comisión de Interlocución del Sur de Bolívar, Red Europea de Hermandad y Solidaridad con Colombia, Red de Hermandad Colombia, , Coordinador Nacional Agrario, DH Colombia, Corporación Utopía, Asociación Nomadesc, Campaña Prohibido Olvidar, Sintraunicol – Valle del Cauca
Organisations accompanying the Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar:
Programa Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio, Equipos Cristianos de Acción por la Paz, Diócesis de Magangue
Teofilo Acuña is in UK this week, giving talks about the situation in Sur de Bolivar.
1. Today, April 10th 2008, a threat signed by the self-styled paramilitary structure “Águilas Negras, Bloque Norte de Colombia” (Black Eagles, northern block of Colombia), was sent to various e-mail accounts declaring members of Fedeagromisbol, Sembrar, Programa de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio and the priests of Regidor and Tiquisio to be military targets, in which it was added that 'your name (sic) has been added to the list of undesirables who should be eliminated, by the national government', indicating them to be supporters or members of guerilla groups.
2. In this threat it was stated that 'you and the organisations you represent are a problem for Colombia', passing sentence that 'for every criminal act against democratic security (sic) that you organise inside these villages, you will be exterminated one by one, in list order.
3. The threat made clear that those mentioned had been followed in the municipalities of Tiquisio, Arenal, Morales, Aguachica, La Gloria and Regidor, stating that 'expect that wherever you organise stupid meetings you queers will be screwed over.'
4. The threat concluded that 'we are constantly watching you sons of bitches as the time has come to put an end to your perverse activities in these villages. The plan to annihilate you could begin at any moment. We won't hesitate to assassinate you, so get your friends ready to bury you.'
5. On April 1st 2008, at a meeting in the town of Barrancabermeja attended by the Vice-President and Public Prosecutor, the Director of the Presidential Human Rights Commission, Dr Carlos Franco, referred to events in Puerto Rico and Tiquisio, saying that Fedeagromisbol caused a scandal at every opportunity.
6. At a Mesa de Interlocución del Sur de Bolívar (Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar) meeting on April 2nd 2008, delegates from the mining ministry, the institute of geology and mines, and the Bolivar state government agreed that:
'given the grave human rights situation in the Sur de Bolivar, the mining ministry and the Bolivar state government are committed to working towards a high-level meeting as soon as possible, with the participation of the Vice-President, the Attorney General and Public Prosecutor, to deal with the issues and adopt measures to solve the existing crisis'.
Although the above authorities are aware of the gravity of the situation, until now we are not aware of any measures having been taken to overcome the crisis nor of any meeting having been arranged. There is concern about the continuity of the Committee for Dialogue regarding mining issues, when the state persists in refusing to take serious and adequate measures to guarantee human rights in the region.
7. These threats have been directed against the human rights NGO Sembrar, which in recent years has accompanied residents and organisations in Sur de Bolivar in monitoring and denouncing abuses and giving human rights training.
El Programa Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio (the programme for development and peace in Magdalena Medio) is an organisation which with the support of the EU, international governmental and non-governmental entities, the national, state and local governments, has taken part in the Laboratorios de Paz (Peace Laboratories), accompanying and supporting organisations and communities in Sur de Bolivar in developing peace initiatives, programmes of economic, social, cultural and institutional development, and ensuring the human rights of the region's inhabitants.
The Farmers and Mining Federation of Southern Bolívar, Fedeagromisbol, which comprises farming and mining groups in the region, has been generating wealth for the region for decades by promoting farming and mining projects. The Federation is part of the Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar, which has been involved in dialogue with the Colombian government since 2005 working towards the respect of human rights and development under conditions of equity, dignity and sustainability.
These threats have also been made against the priests of Tiquisio and Regidor who have been committed to accompanying communities and organisations in Sur de Bolívar.
Thanks to the work of these entities, communities have started a process of reclaiming meeting spaces to discuss the productive, sustainable use of the land and how to continue living in the region with dignity. The forced displacement of many families has thus been prevented.
Background
a. On March 31st 2008 various organisations, including Fedeagromisbol and Sembrar, publicly denounced that during the Sixth Assembly of the Agromining Federation of Sur de Bolívar between March 27-30 in the municipality of Tiquisio, members of the national police force and the Nariño Battalion of the Second Army Brigade repeatedly tried to enter the building where the assembly was taking place to identify the Federation's directors.
The presence of an informer, protected by the police, was confirmed, who days previously had threatened a Fedeagromisbol member. In addition the police persisently made inquiries about the Federation President, Teofilo Acuña. This aggresive and intimidating behaviour was carried out by a sublieutenant of the national police force Miller Rojas Rubio and first sergeant Rojas of the Nariño Batallion of the Second Army Brigade.
b. The presence of the self-styled 'Black Eagles' paramilitaries in the municipalities of Santa Rosa, San Pablo, Simití, Arenal, Morales and Tiquisio, amongst others, has been repeatedly denounced. They act in an open and public manner without the police in any way taking any action to restrict their activities.
c. On July 2 2007 Amnesty International published their report 'Colombia:the reality of trade-unionism. Dates and figures', in which were expressed their concerns about the situation of the Agromining Federation of Sur de Bolívar, highlighting the extrajudicial execution of the mining leader and Fedeagromisbol member Alejandro Uribe Chacón.
d. On April 26th 2007, while attending a Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar in the municipality of Santa Rosa, with delegates from various national ministries, Teofilo Acuña was arrested.
On January 5 2008 the daily 'El Espectador' announced that : 'An intelligence report shows Acuña to be a guerilla of the ELN with the alias of ‘Téofilo’, going on to say, 'in the village of Buena Seña he declared to the community that they couldn't allow the entrance of mining multinational Kedahda' (part of AngloGold Ashanti).
e. On March 5 2007 at 7am members of the Nueva Granada battalion arrived in the community of Mina Piojo, part of Santa Rosa municipality, and arrested 12 people including Omar Nunez, member of the Mina Mochila Junta de Acción Comunal (village council) and Agromining leader, Guillermo Mercado, member of the Mina Fácil Junta de Acción Comunal and Juan Toloza, resident of Mina Piojo village.
The 12 people were held in different places and then brought to one place. During the journey soldiers asked persistently about the Mina Piojo Junta de Acción Comunal president. Additionally members of the Nueva Granada battalion attacked the detained residents and defamed the region's social organisations, saying 'both the village councils and the mining organisations are part of the guerrilla forces'.
f. On March 19th 2007 , the Nueva Granada battalion turned up in Paraiso in the municipality of Montecristo, having captured Alfredo Atehortua, Wilson and Adeidi, local residents known to be civilians. The previous day, the army had been told - falsely - that these men were guerilla deserters.
This unit invaded the Porvenir ranch, belonging to Efrain Ramos and Yadis Salazar threatening to take away Efrain and his cattle, claiming he was part of the guerilla. Efrain showed the army documents proving his ownership of the cattle. One of the soldiers threatened: 'we're here today but tomorrow the aguilas negras are coming'.
g. September 19th 2006 in the municipality of Santa Rosa the community and mining leader Alejandro Uribe Chacon, also a member of Fedeagromisbol, was extrajudicially executed by soldiers of the Nueva Granada battalion. His body was presented in public as that of a guerilla killed in combat.
'El Espectador' had stated shortly beforehand that 'Alejandro Uribe is effectively an active member of that organisation' going on to add 'in March 2006 Alejandro Uribe (alias ‘Andrés’) addressed a meeting of the need to prevent the entry of multinational AngloGold Ashanti's Colombian subsidiary Kedahda''.
Alejandro Uribe's death caused a massive mobilisation in Sur de Bolivar, which led to the government promising to ensure respect for human rights in the region. Until now the government hasn't complied with the agreements made.
Demands
Giving the gravity of the threats, we demand the following of the Colombian authorities:
1. That the events denounced above be thoroughly investigated, leading to the culprits being brought to justice.
2. That the records of the Security Forces of the region be immediately revised and altered as they present a threat to residents of the region in their current form.
3. Guarantees of the right to life, liberty, personal integrity and freedom of association of members of the Agromining Federation of Sur de Bolívar - Fedeagromisbol, Sembrar, el Programa de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio and members of the dioceses of Magangue and Barrancabermeja, especially those directly threatened.
4. That a meeting be called at the first instance as was agreed by delegates of the Mining Ministry, the Institute of Geology and Mines, and the Bolivar state government in Barrancabermeja on April 2 2008.
Signed by:
Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar, Corporación Sembrar, Organización Femenina Popular, Comisión de Interlocución del Sur de Bolívar, Red Europea de Hermandad y Solidaridad con Colombia, Red de Hermandad Colombia, , Coordinador Nacional Agrario, DH Colombia, Corporación Utopía, Asociación Nomadesc, Campaña Prohibido Olvidar, Sintraunicol – Valle del Cauca
Organisations accompanying the Committee for Dialogue in Sur de Bolivar:
Programa Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio, Equipos Cristianos de Acción por la Paz, Diócesis de Magangue
Teofilo Acuña is in UK this week, giving talks about the situation in Sur de Bolivar.
Saturday 12 April 2008
Zapatismo and Zapaturismo
The other night I was chatting to someone who had written a book about the Zapatistas a few years ago and had kept up an interest in Zapatista affairs. She told me that she had heard many Zapatistas had 'gone north' (left for the US) in recent years like millions of other rural people from Latin America. This surprised me, not having heard this during my three months in Chiapas, most of which was spent living in a Zapatista community in the lowland, tropical, ethnic Tsetsal area. One guy from the community who spoke better Spanish than the others (proficiency in Spanish in Zapatista villages is patchy) and had spent time as a seasonal worker in the tourist resort of Cancun, spoke to me of his desire to learn English so he could work in the States but this was the only time I heard Zapatistas referring to their northern neighbours, and he didn't push the English study, preferring instead to chat with his friends or play football or cards in his freetime.
The Zapatistas have come in for criticism from many sources in recent years, including some previously sympathetic ones for 'selling out', and not remaining true to their original ideals of self-sufficiency based on working the land they managed to recover from feudal landowners. It has been said by those previously supportive, that most of their income is now generated from seasonal work in the tourist resorts of the 'Mayan riviera' or the oilfields of the Gulf, the proceeds from which are used to buy the corn given to the Zapatista administrative centres as a kind of tax, as this can be earned much more easily than from the land. While undoubtably true that some source of income is derived from such work, it is a gross exaggeration to suggest that the proceeds from such seasonal work unable them to kick back and take it easy the rest of the year on their reclaimed land, given the low wages in Mexico, especially for seasonal workers. More likely it means they can afford a few new clothes and vary their corn-based diet somewhat. It is hard to take Western city-based lefty anarchist types begrudging the Zapatistas a few luxuries, as if they should stay in poverty in their communties all year to satisfy some externally imposed high moral standards or expectations. From my limited experience there are enough committed Zapatistas willing to suffer the hardships of not taking from a state that is waging a low-level counter-insurgency war against them, and living largely off the land to make sure they will be around for at least another 14 years. How many other movements have lasted this long?
Years after they were considered fashionable and feted in left-wing circles, both at home and abroad, they continue to consolidate their structures and resist the divisive politics of the big political parties in Mexico's poorest state. One only has to look back to the invisible poverty suffered by the indigenous Chiapanecos prior to the 1994 uprising to see how far they've come. Although life for the Zapatistas is undoubtably better despite the continuing hardship and political repression in some areas, access to services in indigenous areas has improved as the Mexican state has been forced to invest in Chiapas. Perversely the Zapatistas have not been those to benefit most from their own sacrifices, living as they still do with limit access to health and education.
Before arriving in Chiapas my knowledge was limited to the iconic video footage of unarmed Zapatistas taking on the Mexican army in the 90s, chats with friends who had visited 5 years ago and some of Marcos' speeches from the mid-late 90s, which gave a useful insight into the origins of the uprising and the subsequent counter-insurgency operations. It seemed that in recent years the Zapatistas had faded from the 'scene', and I was told that most of the work for volunteers in Zapatista communities now revolved around 'development', such as providing health clinics and education.
It came as a surprise then to hear their spokesperson Subcomandante Marcos ('el Sub') talking at a conference last December in almost apocalyptic tones of the threat the Zapatistas were now facing, the most serious since the 1994 uprising, and berating the 'left' for an almost total lack of support. True, in recent months a few Zapatista communties had faced aggressions from state-sponsored paramilitary groups, particularly in the community of Bolon Ajaw near the tourist resort of Agua Azul where some members had been badly beaten and houses burnt. Also in August a community had been evicted from the Montes Azul area of the Lacandona jungle so Marcos did have some justification for his statements and attempt to rally the 'left' that turned up to the conference, which Marcos promised would be the last for some time. These aggressions had also been cited as the reason for cancelling the tour of Mexico the Zapatistas were on as part of 'La Otra Campana' ('The Other Campaign), a few months previously.
Having read of some of the massacres and massive repression suffered by the Zapatistas in the 90s I was sceptical of Marcos' remarks. Despite the comparitively low profile of the struggle in the international media there was still too much international awareness and too many human rights groups in Chiapas for the Mexican state to get away with any large-scale repression. There are two organisations that provide protective accompaniment in Zapatista communities that have been attacked or threatened with eviction and other groups document the situation. Marcos' words and the international response did have some effect as the community most under siege, that of Bolon Ajaw, saw scores of supporters visit in December and January and unsurprisingly the aggressions and threats against the Zapatistas largely stopped. In February volunteer numbers dropped off as most of the earlier visitors had been in Chiapas for the conference and the New Year encuentro anyway. However there was still a permanent international presence in the community into March and despite provocations including armed state police entering the community with a member of the intelligence services, creating a siege mentality, the villagers are holding out. Inevitably the local paramilitary transferred their attentions to the international volunteers with frequent threats at the gate where volunteers enter the track leading to the community.
Despite the cessation of physical attacks the community has been unable to go about its daily work in the cornfields furthest away from the centre of the community for fear of encountering unfriendly, local paramilitaries and accompaniment has to be provided for anyone leaving the community or fetching water. This is no doubt the desired result of the harrassment and threats designed to grind down psychologically and restrict physically the Zapatistas until they leave the land they have been working for the last 5 years, so it can be turned over to tourist development and the politicians at local, state and federal level make a tidy buck. Unlike in other developing countries where resistance movements have less of an international profile, the Mexican counter-insurgency operations have to be imaginative to deal with the Zapatistas who persist on hanging on to prime real estate. That said, there was nothing subtle about the arrest and torture of two Zapatistas from the community of Betel Yochip at the start of February. Fortunately a human rights delegation from Europe was visiting Chiapas at the time which may have helping in securing their release after a week.
Foreigners, mostly students, continue to visit Chiapas attracted by the Zapatista allure although I was told that the numbers of volunteers are far down on years past. This surprised me initially given the numbers staying at the hostel for volunteers in San Cristobal de las Casas, but many turned out to be students doing research on the Zapatistas and some were just travellers passing through. Indeed, most of the 'volunteers' staying there spent far more time in San Cristobal than roughing it in indigenous communities and were more interested in each other than in the Zapatistas.
The organisation I was with said that most volunteers couldn't spend more than a week in the community because of the basic conditions, despite the latest camping equipment many took along with them to ease their stay. The Zapatistas, living in simple wooden structure with earth floors and sleeping on wooden boards with blankets for protection, looked on with curiosity at the volunteers' comforts, sometimes asking how much such items cost. Most of the gear and the food brought into their community would have been way beyond their purchasing power, which was one problem I had with the international presence. The Zapatistas, especially the children and youth, would see this high-tech, quality, equipment and comfortable clothing which would only make them more aware of their own material discomfort. Likewise with the food brought in, the children would sometimes hang around the kitchen (the volunteers had their own kitchen in the community), looking wide-eyed at the volunteers eating in the hope of being offered some. Whilst the international presence offered the Zapatistas some kind of security it could have been done by many volunteers with more sensitivity. This is often the case with solidarity work where foreign activists spend or week or so in Palestine or Chiapas for the experience and to take a few photos so they can tick it off their adventure tourist list, without a real awareness of the effect their behaviour has on the community they are supposedly protecting or showing solidarity with. I could see why one organisation in Chiapas ensures their volunteers live separately to the Zapatistas - the danger of 'contamination' is a real one.
The determination and dignity with which the Zapatistas I had the privelege of living with, dealt with state-sponsored harrassment and an influx of foreigners was a humbling experience and made me aware how so much more real their struggle is than our 'struggles' in the West where activists rough it for a week or two in the summer whilst enjoying the benefits of living in the developed world the rest of the year.
The Zapatistas have come in for criticism from many sources in recent years, including some previously sympathetic ones for 'selling out', and not remaining true to their original ideals of self-sufficiency based on working the land they managed to recover from feudal landowners. It has been said by those previously supportive, that most of their income is now generated from seasonal work in the tourist resorts of the 'Mayan riviera' or the oilfields of the Gulf, the proceeds from which are used to buy the corn given to the Zapatista administrative centres as a kind of tax, as this can be earned much more easily than from the land. While undoubtably true that some source of income is derived from such work, it is a gross exaggeration to suggest that the proceeds from such seasonal work unable them to kick back and take it easy the rest of the year on their reclaimed land, given the low wages in Mexico, especially for seasonal workers. More likely it means they can afford a few new clothes and vary their corn-based diet somewhat. It is hard to take Western city-based lefty anarchist types begrudging the Zapatistas a few luxuries, as if they should stay in poverty in their communties all year to satisfy some externally imposed high moral standards or expectations. From my limited experience there are enough committed Zapatistas willing to suffer the hardships of not taking from a state that is waging a low-level counter-insurgency war against them, and living largely off the land to make sure they will be around for at least another 14 years. How many other movements have lasted this long?
Years after they were considered fashionable and feted in left-wing circles, both at home and abroad, they continue to consolidate their structures and resist the divisive politics of the big political parties in Mexico's poorest state. One only has to look back to the invisible poverty suffered by the indigenous Chiapanecos prior to the 1994 uprising to see how far they've come. Although life for the Zapatistas is undoubtably better despite the continuing hardship and political repression in some areas, access to services in indigenous areas has improved as the Mexican state has been forced to invest in Chiapas. Perversely the Zapatistas have not been those to benefit most from their own sacrifices, living as they still do with limit access to health and education.
Before arriving in Chiapas my knowledge was limited to the iconic video footage of unarmed Zapatistas taking on the Mexican army in the 90s, chats with friends who had visited 5 years ago and some of Marcos' speeches from the mid-late 90s, which gave a useful insight into the origins of the uprising and the subsequent counter-insurgency operations. It seemed that in recent years the Zapatistas had faded from the 'scene', and I was told that most of the work for volunteers in Zapatista communities now revolved around 'development', such as providing health clinics and education.
It came as a surprise then to hear their spokesperson Subcomandante Marcos ('el Sub') talking at a conference last December in almost apocalyptic tones of the threat the Zapatistas were now facing, the most serious since the 1994 uprising, and berating the 'left' for an almost total lack of support. True, in recent months a few Zapatista communties had faced aggressions from state-sponsored paramilitary groups, particularly in the community of Bolon Ajaw near the tourist resort of Agua Azul where some members had been badly beaten and houses burnt. Also in August a community had been evicted from the Montes Azul area of the Lacandona jungle so Marcos did have some justification for his statements and attempt to rally the 'left' that turned up to the conference, which Marcos promised would be the last for some time. These aggressions had also been cited as the reason for cancelling the tour of Mexico the Zapatistas were on as part of 'La Otra Campana' ('The Other Campaign), a few months previously.
Having read of some of the massacres and massive repression suffered by the Zapatistas in the 90s I was sceptical of Marcos' remarks. Despite the comparitively low profile of the struggle in the international media there was still too much international awareness and too many human rights groups in Chiapas for the Mexican state to get away with any large-scale repression. There are two organisations that provide protective accompaniment in Zapatista communities that have been attacked or threatened with eviction and other groups document the situation. Marcos' words and the international response did have some effect as the community most under siege, that of Bolon Ajaw, saw scores of supporters visit in December and January and unsurprisingly the aggressions and threats against the Zapatistas largely stopped. In February volunteer numbers dropped off as most of the earlier visitors had been in Chiapas for the conference and the New Year encuentro anyway. However there was still a permanent international presence in the community into March and despite provocations including armed state police entering the community with a member of the intelligence services, creating a siege mentality, the villagers are holding out. Inevitably the local paramilitary transferred their attentions to the international volunteers with frequent threats at the gate where volunteers enter the track leading to the community.
Despite the cessation of physical attacks the community has been unable to go about its daily work in the cornfields furthest away from the centre of the community for fear of encountering unfriendly, local paramilitaries and accompaniment has to be provided for anyone leaving the community or fetching water. This is no doubt the desired result of the harrassment and threats designed to grind down psychologically and restrict physically the Zapatistas until they leave the land they have been working for the last 5 years, so it can be turned over to tourist development and the politicians at local, state and federal level make a tidy buck. Unlike in other developing countries where resistance movements have less of an international profile, the Mexican counter-insurgency operations have to be imaginative to deal with the Zapatistas who persist on hanging on to prime real estate. That said, there was nothing subtle about the arrest and torture of two Zapatistas from the community of Betel Yochip at the start of February. Fortunately a human rights delegation from Europe was visiting Chiapas at the time which may have helping in securing their release after a week.
Foreigners, mostly students, continue to visit Chiapas attracted by the Zapatista allure although I was told that the numbers of volunteers are far down on years past. This surprised me initially given the numbers staying at the hostel for volunteers in San Cristobal de las Casas, but many turned out to be students doing research on the Zapatistas and some were just travellers passing through. Indeed, most of the 'volunteers' staying there spent far more time in San Cristobal than roughing it in indigenous communities and were more interested in each other than in the Zapatistas.
The organisation I was with said that most volunteers couldn't spend more than a week in the community because of the basic conditions, despite the latest camping equipment many took along with them to ease their stay. The Zapatistas, living in simple wooden structure with earth floors and sleeping on wooden boards with blankets for protection, looked on with curiosity at the volunteers' comforts, sometimes asking how much such items cost. Most of the gear and the food brought into their community would have been way beyond their purchasing power, which was one problem I had with the international presence. The Zapatistas, especially the children and youth, would see this high-tech, quality, equipment and comfortable clothing which would only make them more aware of their own material discomfort. Likewise with the food brought in, the children would sometimes hang around the kitchen (the volunteers had their own kitchen in the community), looking wide-eyed at the volunteers eating in the hope of being offered some. Whilst the international presence offered the Zapatistas some kind of security it could have been done by many volunteers with more sensitivity. This is often the case with solidarity work where foreign activists spend or week or so in Palestine or Chiapas for the experience and to take a few photos so they can tick it off their adventure tourist list, without a real awareness of the effect their behaviour has on the community they are supposedly protecting or showing solidarity with. I could see why one organisation in Chiapas ensures their volunteers live separately to the Zapatistas - the danger of 'contamination' is a real one.
The determination and dignity with which the Zapatistas I had the privelege of living with, dealt with state-sponsored harrassment and an influx of foreigners was a humbling experience and made me aware how so much more real their struggle is than our 'struggles' in the West where activists rough it for a week or two in the summer whilst enjoying the benefits of living in the developed world the rest of the year.
Thursday 10 April 2008
Community rebuilding in northern Tolima
Having arriving in Colombia a few days before, received some crash-course training and dashed around sorting out essentials like a mobile phone I was off on my first accompaniment to Tolima state, which on the map doesn't look far from Bogota, and isn't in distance but the many mountains to be negotiated and poor roads and weather meant the trip took 14 hours.
Not having come across the name of Tolima in my mugging up on Colombia beforehand the area was a blank page so what I learned of its important mountainous setting in the rise of armed groups and more recent paramilitary activity was new to me. What surprised me on the winding journey down from the plateau of Bogota (2600m) through the neighbouring state of Cundinamarca were the empty roads. Apart from an army checkpoint and a few quick stops this made for smooth progress to the regional centre for the north of Tolima, Libano. However, from there things were far from smooth. In the morning much rain had fallen in this area, turning the hillside dirt tracks into seeemingly impassable and muddy deathtraps. The good humour of the others crammed into the jeep amid the weekly supplies reassured me and it seemed that we would make it in tact and in reasonable time as we slid across and through the mud always at least a few inches clear of the increasingly steep precipice. Our luck ran out half way up as numerous attempts to tug the jeep clear of its woeful predicament failed and we were left on the edge of the road in the cold and dark for an hour until back up arrived in the form of another jeep which managed to free ours. Arriving at 10pm at our host family, within minutes a much welcome meal with cups of steaming coffee was laid out for me and the local NGO guy I was accompanying.
The 'vereda' (village of scattered farms like a township of the past in Ireland) I was to spend the next 8 days in, was being supported in the process of rebuilding community structures and participation by the local NGO. A few years ago foreign NGOs had provided the finance for the construction of community buildings which house a school, shop, health clinic and butchers for the 70 or so families of the 'vereda'. With the help of the local NGO, community participation aimed at created some autonomy developed - a communal farm was set up, profits from the shop were invested in the health clinic, school and farm, overseen by the 'Junta de la Tienda Comunitaria' (communal shop committee). Somewhere along the line communal processes broke down and the community became divided leading to less participation in these communal processes. The killing of the shop committee president 4 years ago by paramilitaries and the recent murder of the shop committee president in a nearby 'vereda' in January in unclear circumstances haven't helped.
Despite this breakdown some families are still committed to communal structures and repairing community relations. When no teachers were sent to the primary school at the beginning of last term classes continued with volunteers - inexplicably some in the community oppose this, arguing that as the school was built for teachers sent by the local government to give classes in and none have been sent it should stay shut. Thus the community is divided with about half the number of children now attending as previously. Similarly local governement has withdrawn funding for the nurse in the health clinic, claiming lack of funds.
The purpose of the visit was to assist in the slow process of rebuilding community relations in the face of mutual recriminations concerning events stretching back around a year, in which time the two sides - that of the communal shop committee and the 'Junta Accion Communitaria' (the official village committee) - didn't meet. Fortunately I was able to assist in more concrete ways by helping to gather some of the coffee harvest of the community farm (not that easy on 45 degree slopes in the mud, at least not for novices) and repair the dirt-road linking the area's 'veredas' with the regional centre. Despite the urgency of this work if the locals are not to revert to using mules to cross the mountains a disappointing number turned up for this community activity.
The local NGO managed to facilitate two meetings in the local school - the first one between representatives of the opposing sides and the second one a village meeting open to everyone, to which the NGO personally invited many families. Despite not understanding many of the actual points made, it was clear that there is a lot of work ahead if the village is to reach the high level of community participation which I was told was the case a few years ago. First signs were encouraging with the two sides actually airing their grievances in front of each other for the first time in a year and recognising the common ground of urgent health and education problems. The NGO facilitator did a good job of ensuring these heated debates never went beyond this.
A fair number eventually turned up to the open meeting, although it was disappointing to see some scoff the free lunch only to resume their Sunday drinking ritual afterwards. As at home alcohol plays a large role in this community and it was commented that it was a shame not as many made it to the meeting as turn up to the regular parties or cockfights in the area.
Although difficult for me to judge the usefulness of the trip the NGO felt things went well in what will be a slow process. The general sense of community discouragement was offset by the commitment of the few community members still dedicated to communal processes and making sure some children don't miss out on an education.
Another feature of the week was the presence of two women part of the Coordinador Nacional Agrario (CNA), an NGO set up in 1997 to promote food sovereignty, environmental issues and the rights of small farmers. They gave a few workshops on composting which even fewer attended than did the community meeting - most just have no time to spare with the demands of agricultural life. Also with the village being scattered around a hill it is a fair trek for many to attend these community activities.
The family who hosted us in their already cramped house were welcoming throughout and patient with my limited understanding, unfamiliar as I still am with many local words and expressions, which aren't used in Mexico. I was even given instruction on grinding and moulding corn to make 'arepas' so I could help with food preparation (cornmeal rolls) which made me feel better about being catered for. Meat plays a large part of their diet, unlike in the Zapatista community where I was living in Chiapas, so being vegetarian surprised many and caused many an amused remark. I was also told that I shouldn't eat eggs if I believed eating animals was wrong, an argument I had to concede. However, with a daily diet of rice, beans, yucca, arepa, and eggs, renouncing the latter was a sacrifice I wasn't going to make.
Not having come across the name of Tolima in my mugging up on Colombia beforehand the area was a blank page so what I learned of its important mountainous setting in the rise of armed groups and more recent paramilitary activity was new to me. What surprised me on the winding journey down from the plateau of Bogota (2600m) through the neighbouring state of Cundinamarca were the empty roads. Apart from an army checkpoint and a few quick stops this made for smooth progress to the regional centre for the north of Tolima, Libano. However, from there things were far from smooth. In the morning much rain had fallen in this area, turning the hillside dirt tracks into seeemingly impassable and muddy deathtraps. The good humour of the others crammed into the jeep amid the weekly supplies reassured me and it seemed that we would make it in tact and in reasonable time as we slid across and through the mud always at least a few inches clear of the increasingly steep precipice. Our luck ran out half way up as numerous attempts to tug the jeep clear of its woeful predicament failed and we were left on the edge of the road in the cold and dark for an hour until back up arrived in the form of another jeep which managed to free ours. Arriving at 10pm at our host family, within minutes a much welcome meal with cups of steaming coffee was laid out for me and the local NGO guy I was accompanying.
The 'vereda' (village of scattered farms like a township of the past in Ireland) I was to spend the next 8 days in, was being supported in the process of rebuilding community structures and participation by the local NGO. A few years ago foreign NGOs had provided the finance for the construction of community buildings which house a school, shop, health clinic and butchers for the 70 or so families of the 'vereda'. With the help of the local NGO, community participation aimed at created some autonomy developed - a communal farm was set up, profits from the shop were invested in the health clinic, school and farm, overseen by the 'Junta de la Tienda Comunitaria' (communal shop committee). Somewhere along the line communal processes broke down and the community became divided leading to less participation in these communal processes. The killing of the shop committee president 4 years ago by paramilitaries and the recent murder of the shop committee president in a nearby 'vereda' in January in unclear circumstances haven't helped.
Despite this breakdown some families are still committed to communal structures and repairing community relations. When no teachers were sent to the primary school at the beginning of last term classes continued with volunteers - inexplicably some in the community oppose this, arguing that as the school was built for teachers sent by the local government to give classes in and none have been sent it should stay shut. Thus the community is divided with about half the number of children now attending as previously. Similarly local governement has withdrawn funding for the nurse in the health clinic, claiming lack of funds.
The purpose of the visit was to assist in the slow process of rebuilding community relations in the face of mutual recriminations concerning events stretching back around a year, in which time the two sides - that of the communal shop committee and the 'Junta Accion Communitaria' (the official village committee) - didn't meet. Fortunately I was able to assist in more concrete ways by helping to gather some of the coffee harvest of the community farm (not that easy on 45 degree slopes in the mud, at least not for novices) and repair the dirt-road linking the area's 'veredas' with the regional centre. Despite the urgency of this work if the locals are not to revert to using mules to cross the mountains a disappointing number turned up for this community activity.
The local NGO managed to facilitate two meetings in the local school - the first one between representatives of the opposing sides and the second one a village meeting open to everyone, to which the NGO personally invited many families. Despite not understanding many of the actual points made, it was clear that there is a lot of work ahead if the village is to reach the high level of community participation which I was told was the case a few years ago. First signs were encouraging with the two sides actually airing their grievances in front of each other for the first time in a year and recognising the common ground of urgent health and education problems. The NGO facilitator did a good job of ensuring these heated debates never went beyond this.
A fair number eventually turned up to the open meeting, although it was disappointing to see some scoff the free lunch only to resume their Sunday drinking ritual afterwards. As at home alcohol plays a large role in this community and it was commented that it was a shame not as many made it to the meeting as turn up to the regular parties or cockfights in the area.
Although difficult for me to judge the usefulness of the trip the NGO felt things went well in what will be a slow process. The general sense of community discouragement was offset by the commitment of the few community members still dedicated to communal processes and making sure some children don't miss out on an education.
Another feature of the week was the presence of two women part of the Coordinador Nacional Agrario (CNA), an NGO set up in 1997 to promote food sovereignty, environmental issues and the rights of small farmers. They gave a few workshops on composting which even fewer attended than did the community meeting - most just have no time to spare with the demands of agricultural life. Also with the village being scattered around a hill it is a fair trek for many to attend these community activities.
The family who hosted us in their already cramped house were welcoming throughout and patient with my limited understanding, unfamiliar as I still am with many local words and expressions, which aren't used in Mexico. I was even given instruction on grinding and moulding corn to make 'arepas' so I could help with food preparation (cornmeal rolls) which made me feel better about being catered for. Meat plays a large part of their diet, unlike in the Zapatista community where I was living in Chiapas, so being vegetarian surprised many and caused many an amused remark. I was also told that I shouldn't eat eggs if I believed eating animals was wrong, an argument I had to concede. However, with a daily diet of rice, beans, yucca, arepa, and eggs, renouncing the latter was a sacrifice I wasn't going to make.
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